At the early part of the twentieth century more sinister eugenicist beliefs, combined with the emphasis on social class, disease and social Darwinist doctrines, suggested that ill health, disease and high infant mortality were paving the way for ‘race decay’ and that ‘poor housing was the natural environment for of an unfit class preparing the way for its own extinction’ (L. T. Hobhouse, 1922, quoted in Wohl 1983p 335). Whilst this opinion may have been of the minority, the underlying principles on a wider scale depicted a victim blaming approach where the onus is on the individual to live a ‘healthy lifestyle’.
Educational reform supported the drive for improved public health with emphasis on exercise, diet and regulation. The major determinants for health from the nineteenth century were identified as nutrition, public hygiene and contraception (McKeown 1976). With the public health measures such as sanitation, drinking water and housing being implemented over several decades, culminating in the Great Public Health Act 1875 and the factors of nutrition and contraception, change began to be effectuated.
A decline in fertility rates starting from around 1870 and falling family size was outlined as responsible for reducing death rates for mothers and babies. This was due to many variables ranging from reducing risks through pregnancy and childbirth or by the possibility that smaller families start with a healthier better fed mother, and end with a more robust infant with a better birth weight; an infant more likely to get adequate food and nutrition, subsequently making the child and mother less vulnerable to disease and ill health (Hart 1985).
The improvement of general health for the population was paramount and the Fabian eugenicist, Sidney Webb (1901), stated ‘that the prevention of disease and premature death, and the building up of the nervous and muscular vitality of the race was essential’ (Donald 1992 p 28) and suggested that education would be the vehicle for such a vital strategy. The strategy of education supported the drive for national efficiency following the Boer war when the full extent of appalling public health was identified and acknowledged, when a large proportion of recruits for the war were found to be unfit for service.
The purpose was to educate the poor on self-care and the subsequent adoption of hygienic habits would improve both national efficiency and support eugenicist ideals by improving the calibre of the population (Wear 1992). Moral worth was directly linked to hygienic behaviours and the extremists believed that true social improvement of the race depended upon assiduous breeding out of undesirable racial or social characteristics, so that the fittest survived. The political position on Public Health was fortunately more far sighted and adopted the notion of improve, rather than remove, as their remit.
The Balfour Act (1902) outlined the responsibility of Local Education Authorities statutory duty to provide elementary education for children up to the age of fourteen. Webb believed that ‘collective provision for welfare through the state was an essential, and inevitable, development within British capitalist society’ (Alcock 2003 p5). This belief about the necessity for collective provision by the state for welfare to raise the standards of health, education and housing of the population was influential in the overhaul of welfare and social security and set out as a manifesto on National Efficiency (1901), a programme of social reform based on state control (Mackenzie 1979).
The ultimate plan was to remove social ills and reform and reorganise British society to enable Britain to become a world leader. The interest in the manifesto of national efficiency was cross-political (Searl 1971), not suprising in a time when the ‘discourses of imperialism, social efficiency and motherhood became inextricably linked with an eugenicist drive to improve the 'quality’ of the population’ (Kelly and Symonds 2003 p19).
The evidence from the Boer War, reports from social surveys such as Charles Booth’s study of London and Benjamin Seebohm Rowntrees study of York highlighted the extent of deprivation at the turn of the century. The breadth and depth of deprivation gave prominence to the need for national provision of welfare services. National provision of services A potent role for medicine materialised in this era of ‘governmentality’ (Foucoult 1991) in the diagnosis and treatment of individuals.
This would ensure that individuals were fit to return to their place in society, which from a reductionism perspective views the capacity for work as their only substantive asset (Costello and Haggart 2003). National provision for health education, supplements and services such as baby clinics and school health clinics began to emerge and although offering sound advice and guidance, served also to represent the political interest in surveillance and standardisation to maintain the health and productivity of the population.
School medical inspection was followed by the Children’s Act (1908) to convene children’s health and welfare. The following period saw the introduction of a progressive tax system in an attempt to implement state financial systems through social policy. The purpose, allowing for the provision of economic assistance to improve material circumstances of those living in poverty through the Introduction of State Pensions for the elderly in 1908 and the National Insurance Scheme.
This was followed up by the introduction of a National Health Insurance (NHI), funded by employer, employee and state to provide treatment for illness to the employee. This provision excluded dependants and did not give specialist treatment other than for tuberculosis. The majority report of 1909 (cited in Baggott 2000 p39) called for a more acceptable system of care for the ill treated under the poor law, but retained the opposition view to free medical care and preferred that local authorities administered health service to the poor.
The minority report (cited in Baggott 2000 p39) recommended the amalgamation of poor law health services and sanitary authorities, to combine their services. The poor law system continued however until the 1929 Local Government Act saw poor law boards replaced by local authority assistance committees and a more comprehensive service was developed for sufferers of tuberculosis, the blind, the mentally infirm and maternity and child welfare.
The pre-existing Poor Law workhouses were identified for redevelopment as local hospitals, running alongside voluntary hospitals. This time of expansive service provision brought about the era of the ‘golden age of public health’ (Holland and Stewart 1998). Although the altruistic concern for the well being of society predominated at this time, there unarguably remained the requirement for a physically fit population, not only for capitalist production, imperialism and armed forces, but also now for maintaining the welfare system through contribution.
The Medical Officers for Health (MOsH) believed the 1929 Act would lead to the development of an integrated public health service but critics argued it was detrimental to public health and that the public health departments had gathered services up without fully considering the uniqueness of public health (Lewis 1986). The resulting reduced attention to the community watchdog function and increased attention to service delivery, antagonised the general practitioners (GP’s).
Services for health or ill health, whether provided through public health clinics or general practitioner (GP), dominated and the overriding principle was that health was a moral duty and a prerequisite of a functional society. The functionalist perspective of health was demonstrated by Parsons ‘Sick Role’ (1951), where with emphasis on a consensus model of health, the practice of medicine contributes to maintaining social order. However equality of access to the legitimate sick role was not population wide.
Further criticism surrounding the authenticity and validity of the medicalisation of health suggests that medicine expanding into life experiences such as pregnancy (Oakley 1984) may offer up technical solutions but in doing so, circumscribe to moral decision-making (Zola 1972).
The 1944 Goodenough Committee on medical education saw social medicine as a crucial part of the medical training curriculum, drawing on perspectives gained from groups such as the Women’s Group on Public Welfare and the work of the Peckham Health Centre, which identified the concept of health as separate from the cure of disease (Wear 1992).
Social medicine focused on either environmental relationship with the individual and their hereditary make up or social factors affecting their health status. The drive for ‘social medicine’ was increasing, as was the need for a social conscience influencing the perception of health, but as it gained impetus, critics reflected on the reality of the term social medicine and the fact that the use of the word social and an understanding of social influences of health was not reflected in the training curricula of social and community medicine within medical schools.
This remains so today although to a lesser extent as it could be conceded that at least in relation to Public Health medical officer training the study of epidemiology remains paramount and added value inherent in the control of communicable diseases (Evans 2003). The inception of the National Health Service The Beveridge Report in 1942 addressed the role of the state in meeting collective welfare need with subsequent post war reforms being introduced by the Atlee government. This welfare state attempted to tackle what Beveridge had described as the ‘five major ills’ afflicting society and was set out as:?
The NHS to combat disease ? Full employment to combat idleness ? State education to age fifteen to combat ignorance (introduced in 1944) ? Public housing to combat squalor ? The National Insurance and Assistance schemes to combat want Correspondingly, local authority Children’s and Mental Health Departments introduced a more comprehensive form of social service provision. This was said to be the creation of ‘social citizenship’ (T H Marshall, cited in Alcock 2003 p7) and embodied the role of state as provider for collective welfare.
The advent of the National Health Service (NHS) in 1948, was in fact a compromise vision of the original, as a result of many battles with the medical profession and the medical profession managed to both retain their power and receive financial reward. A Weberian approach to the study of professions suggests that ‘tradition; charisma and rational-legal authority maintain legitimate domination’ (Hart 1985 p111). In medicine, tradition: charisma and status have been acquired through time and opportunity, rational-legal power has been conferred as power of office and political organisation.
Critical analysis reveals that not simply an altruistic desire to contribute to the well being of society gave doctors such high status and reward but an occupational strategy of exclusion through restricted, lengthy training and the exercising of power demonstrated at the time when national investment was in the development of the NHS. The medical profession fought to retain the right to practice medicine privately outside of the NHS (Senior and Viveash 1998) and bio-medicine was again triumphant through the medicalisation of public health.
The type of health service which Britain adopted based itself on access to medical services (Klein 1989). This brought about change and reform in healthcare with the move from a community perspective to a focus on hospital treatment. The previously powerful departments with MOsH traditionally responsible for the clinics and services for vulnerable members of the population, were now deployed into administrating basic preventative services (Adams et al 2002).
Some critics state this reorganisation led to a reduction of power for the MOsH evolving from the inter-war years, when what was seen as the ‘old public health’ declined. This came about when increasing emphasis on bio medical responses and curative approaches to ill health was not matched by growth and redefining theory in public health. MOsH were increasingly committed to establishing personal health care services and in doing so, overlooked the key functions of community watchdog and their role in supporting immunisation and researching health in relation to unemployment and morbidity/mortality statistics (Lewis 1986).
During this transitory time when the emphasis on public health changed from societal to the individual (RUiHBC 1989) there was no specific reason why the MOsH could not combine the benefits of a wider public health remit such as the determinants of health and environmental influences, with the emphasis on provision of services and individual responsibility, but it was suggested they lacked the strength of resources and political will (O’Keefe et al 1992).
Where health is seen to be not directly related to environment, social conditions or factors such as epidemiology but located within the individual, then the influence of the MOsH is subjugated and as a result, a new dimension must be applied to regain medical control and prominence.
In the early part of the 2000 decade there were four major areas of responsibility for public health physicians which included: Advising on the purchasing for health services, based on a knowledge of community health need and population social structure, the control of communicable diseases, research in communicable disease and public health and the design, management and evaluation of health promotion activities.
(Farmer, Miller and Lawrenson 1996). Recently, in 2009, this remains much the same but with increased emphasis on assessing evidence and impact of programmes for health intervention through statistical databases and national collaboration, through public health observatories. The focus on health as a separate entity was further emphasised following the WHO (1946) definition of health.
‘Health is a state of complete physical, mental, and social well being, not merely the absence of disease and infirmity’ (cited in Seedhouse, 1986 p31). This sustains the notion of health as an achievable, sustainable state that the public have a right to expect. It could also be determined that the introduction of the welfare state would have come some way in making provision that attempted to address at least a portion of the determinants that effect the ‘co.
At the early part of the twentieth century more sinister eugenicist beliefs, combined with the emphasis on social class, disease and social Darwinist doctrines, suggested that ill health, disease and high infant mortality were paving the way for ‘race decay’ and that ‘poor housing was the natural environment for of an unfit class preparing the way for its own extinction’ (L. T. Hobhouse, 1922, quoted in Wohl 1983p 335). Whilst this opinion may have been of the minority, the underlying principles on a wider scale depicted a victim blaming approach where the onus is on the individual to live a ‘healthy lifestyle’.
Educational reform supported the drive for improved public health with emphasis on exercise, diet and regulation. The major determinants for health from the nineteenth century were identified as nutrition, public hygiene and contraception (McKeown 1976). With the public health measures such as sanitation, drinking water and housing being implemented over several decades, culminating in the Great Public Health Act 1875 and the factors of nutrition and contraception, change began to be effectuated.
A decline in fertility rates starting from around 1870 and falling family size was outlined as responsible for reducing death rates for mothers and babies. This was due to many variables ranging from reducing risks through pregnancy and childbirth or by the possibility that smaller families start with a healthier better fed mother, and end with a more robust infant with a better birth weight; an infant more likely to get adequate food and nutrition, subsequently making the child and mother less vulnerable to disease and ill health (Hart 1985).
The improvement of general health for the population was paramount and the Fabian eugenicist, Sidney Webb (1901), stated ‘that the prevention of disease and premature death, and the building up of the nervous and muscular vitality of the race was essential’ (Donald 1992 p 28) and suggested that education would be the vehicle for such a vital strategy. The strategy of education supported the drive for national efficiency following the Boer war when the full extent of appalling public health was identified and acknowledged, when a large proportion of recruits for the war were found to be unfit for service.
The purpose was to educate the poor on self-care and the subsequent adoption of hygienic habits would improve both national efficiency and support eugenicist ideals by improving the calibre of the population (Wear 1992). Moral worth was directly linked to hygienic behaviours and the extremists believed that true social improvement of the race depended upon assiduous breeding out of undesirable racial or social characteristics, so that the fittest survived. The political position on Public Health was fortunately more far sighted and adopted the notion of improve, rather than remove, as their remit.
The Balfour Act (1902) outlined the responsibility of Local Education Authorities statutory duty to provide elementary education for children up to the age of fourteen. Webb believed that ‘collective provision for welfare through the state was an essential, and inevitable, development within British capitalist society’ (Alcock 2003 p5). This belief about the necessity for collective provision by the state for welfare to raise the standards of health, education and housing of the population was influential in the overhaul of welfare and social security and set out as a manifesto on National Efficiency (1901), a programme of social reform based on state control (Mackenzie 1979).
The ultimate plan was to remove social ills and reform and reorganise British society to enable Britain to become a world leader. The interest in the manifesto of national efficiency was cross-political (Searl 1971), not suprising in a time when the ‘discourses of imperialism, social efficiency and motherhood became inextricably linked with an eugenicist drive to improve the 'quality’ of the population’ (Kelly and Symonds 2003 p19).
The evidence from the Boer War, reports from social surveys such as Charles Booth’s study of London and Benjamin Seebohm Rowntrees study of York highlighted the extent of deprivation at the turn of the century. The breadth and depth of deprivation gave prominence to the need for national provision of welfare services. National provision of services A potent role for medicine materialised in this era of ‘governmentality’ (Foucoult 1991) in the diagnosis and treatment of individuals.
This would ensure that individuals were fit to return to their place in society, which from a reductionism perspective views the capacity for work as their only substantive asset (Costello and Haggart 2003). National provision for health education, supplements and services such as baby clinics and school health clinics began to emerge and although offering sound advice and guidance, served also to represent the political interest in surveillance and standardisation to maintain the health and productivity of the population.
School medical inspection was followed by the Children’s Act (1908) to convene children’s health and welfare. The following period saw the introduction of a progressive tax system in an attempt to implement state financial systems through social policy. The purpose, allowing for the provision of economic assistance to improve material circumstances of those living in poverty through the Introduction of State Pensions for the elderly in 1908 and the National Insurance Scheme.
This was followed up by the introduction of a National Health Insurance (NHI), funded by employer, employee and state to provide treatment for illness to the employee. This provision excluded dependants and did not give specialist treatment other than for tuberculosis. The majority report of 1909 (cited in Baggott 2000 p39) called for a more acceptable system of care for the ill treated under the poor law, but retained the opposition view to free medical care and preferred that local authorities administered health service to the poor.
The minority report (cited in Baggott 2000 p39) recommended the amalgamation of poor law health services and sanitary authorities, to combine their services. The poor law system continued however until the 1929 Local Government Act saw poor law boards replaced by local authority assistance committees and a more comprehensive service was developed for sufferers of tuberculosis, the blind, the mentally infirm and maternity and child welfare.
The pre-existing Poor Law workhouses were identified for redevelopment as local hospitals, running alongside voluntary hospitals. This time of expansive service provision brought about the era of the ‘golden age of public health’ (Holland and Stewart 1998). Although the altruistic concern for the well being of society predominated at this time, there unarguably remained the requirement for a physically fit population, not only for capitalist production, imperialism and armed forces, but also now for maintaining the welfare system through contribution.
The Medical Officers for Health (MOsH) believed the 1929 Act would lead to the development of an integrated public health service but critics argued it was detrimental to public health and that the public health departments had gathered services up without fully considering the uniqueness of public health (Lewis 1986). The resulting reduced attention to the community watchdog function and increased attention to service delivery, antagonised the general practitioners (GP’s).
Services for health or ill health, whether provided through public health clinics or general practitioner (GP), dominated and the overriding principle was that health was a moral duty and a prerequisite of a functional society. The functionalist perspective of health was demonstrated by Parsons ‘Sick Role’ (1951), where with emphasis on a consensus model of health, the practice of medicine contributes to maintaining social order. However equality of access to the legitimate sick role was not population wide.
Further criticism surrounding the authenticity and validity of the medicalisation of health suggests that medicine expanding into life experiences such as pregnancy (Oakley 1984) may offer up technical solutions but in doing so, circumscribe to moral decision-making (Zola 1972).
The 1944 Goodenough Committee on medical education saw social medicine as a crucial part of the medical training curriculum, drawing on perspectives gained from groups such as the Women’s Group on Public Welfare and the work of the Peckham Health Centre, which identified the concept of health as separate from the cure of disease (Wear 1992).
Social medicine focused on either environmental relationship with the individual and their hereditary make up or social factors affecting their health status. The drive for ‘social medicine’ was increasing, as was the need for a social conscience influencing the perception of health, but as it gained impetus, critics reflected on the reality of the term social medicine and the fact that the use of the word social and an understanding of social influences of health was not reflected in the training curricula of social and community medicine within medical schools.
This remains so today although to a lesser extent as it could be conceded that at least in relation to Public Health medical officer training the study of epidemiology remains paramount and added value inherent in the control of communicable diseases (Evans 2003). The inception of the National Health Service The Beveridge Report in 1942 addressed the role of the state in meeting collective welfare need with subsequent post war reforms being introduced by the Atlee government. This welfare state attempted to tackle what Beveridge had described as the ‘five major ills’ afflicting society and was set out as:?
The NHS to combat disease ? Full employment to combat idleness ? State education to age fifteen to combat ignorance (introduced in 1944) ? Public housing to combat squalor ? The National Insurance and Assistance schemes to combat want Correspondingly, local authority Children’s and Mental Health Departments introduced a more comprehensive form of social service provision. This was said to be the creation of ‘social citizenship’ (T H Marshall, cited in Alcock 2003 p7) and embodied the role of state as provider for collective welfare.
The advent of the National Health Service (NHS) in 1948, was in fact a compromise vision of the original, as a result of many battles with the medical profession and the medical profession managed to both retain their power and receive financial reward. A Weberian approach to the study of professions suggests that ‘tradition; charisma and rational-legal authority maintain legitimate domination’ (Hart 1985 p111). In medicine, tradition: charisma and status have been acquired through time and opportunity, rational-legal power has been conferred as power of office and political organisation.
